
I am examining Wake Audubon Society's "Year of the Chimney Swift" programs and fundraising as the case study for my research project. I am investigating whether Wake Audubon is reaching the public that will have the most effect on chimney swift conservation -- those homeowners with potential chimney swift breeding chimneys -- through its outreach efforts.
If the Society is indeed reaching the desired public, do its educational methods influence those people to change their attitudes or behavior (i.e., uncapping or not capping their chimney)?

I will also examine the effectiveness of mass-distributed educational material,
such as informational flyers or brochures, a common outreach method of many
conservation organizations. I will compare chimney capping rates in neighborhoods
that receive educational materials to neighborhoods that do not. This study will
help compare the success rates of the two educational methods my research is studying
(programs and material broadcast).
Taken together, my research is designed to provide environmental organizations such as Wake Audubon with an evaluation of the typical educational methods used, along with some alternatives, to addressing their intended audiences. I also expect to shed some light on how much the general public knows about chimney swifts, their attitudes toward these little birds, whether or not presentation-goers have the right chimneys to affect chimney swift populations, and whether or not the presentation-goers have been influenced to change their attitudes or behavior.

Environmental justice research ideally involves a two-step approach. First, researchers look for patterns -- spatial associations at a fixed point in time between infrastructure and a demographic, such as race or income. If a point-in-time pattern is established, researchers expand their analysis to additional points in time to uncover an explanation of how and why the observed pattern evolved. Quantitative longitudinal analyses help to explain how patterns evolved; qualitative place-based historical analyses help to explain why.
I believe additional quantitative longitudinal research will confirm that there are
four basic infrastructure-related demographic processes that can take place in a
community and merit attention: White flight, perpetual poverty, gentrification, and
gating the community. The tendency to site hazardous waste facilities in poorer,
minority communities is the paradigmatic example of an infrastructure that implicates
perpetual poverty.
Access to a supply of drinking water is just as critical to urban sustainability and is frequently secured in North Carolina, USA, by constructing a dam to impound a water supply reservoir. I am using US Census data and GIS analysis to explore the potential of North Carolina drinking water supply reservoirs to induce gentrification. My preliminary results are that (1) the white population (%) tended to be significantly higher within a half mile of reservoirs' shorelines than in more distant communities, and (2) even as North Carolina overall became less white over a twenty year period (1990 to 2010), the white population (%) within the half mile areas tended to increase relative to the overall white population (%) in the state. These tendencies are consistent with gentrification or gating the community. Further research can explore whether these tendencies result from procedural inequities or cultural preferences.